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Iran Left Isolated During Crisis: Where We’re Russia and China When It Mattered?

Iran Alone in Crisis: Where We’re Russia and China in Their Time of Need?

In the geopolitical chessboard of 21st-century conflicts, few countries have projected defiance against the West as consistently as Iran, Russia, China, and North Korea. There loose alignment—often characterised as an emerging “axis” challenging U.S. and European dominance—has raised alarms in Western capitals. Yet, when Iran recently found itself under direct military pressure from Israel and the United States, its supposed allies were conspicuously absent.

Despite providing drones and ballistic missiles to Russia for use against Ukraine and selling discounted oil to China, Iran faced its moment of crisis alone.

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Tehran’s Contributions, Beijing and Moscow’s Silence

Iran’s assistance to Moscow since the outset of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has been notable. Tehran supplied Shahed drones, helped bypass Western sanctions, and offered technological cooperation. At the same time, China became Iran’s top oil customer, purchasing millions of barrels at below-market rates, helping sustain Iran’s economy.

Yet, when Israel launched strikes on Iranian targets and U.S. forces attacked Iranian-linked assets, neither Russia nor China lifted a finger. There were no arms deliveries, no military coordination, not even concrete diplomatic moves—just carefully worded statements condemning U.S. aggression or urging “restraint.”

For many in Tehran, the message was loud and clear: in moments of existential threat, Iran stands alone.

No True Alliance—Just Shared Grievances

According to Alexander Gabuev, Director of the Carnegie Centre for Russian and Eurasian Affairs, the problem lies in the lack of deep institutional or ideological alignment. “Each of these countries is completely pacifist in the sense that they don’t want to get involved in each other’s wars,” Gabuev told The New York Times. Unlike the U.S. and NATO, which operate under mutual defence agreements and multilateral structures, this group of countries—while hostile to Western hegemony—lacks the frameworks that turn shared views into coordinated action.

Michael Kimge, a historian and former U.S. State Department official, adds that the alliance is largely rhetorical. “They share dissatisfaction with the West, but not meaningful coordination with each other,” he said.

The exception is North Korea and Russia, who signed a mutual defence pact and have demonstrated active cooperation. Pyongyang has even sent 14,000 troops to assist Russian operations in Ukraine—an unprecedented move that starkly contrasts with the inaction of China and Russia during Iran’s crisis.

Religious and Strategic Divergences

One key obstacle in Iran’s relations with China and Russia is ideological. Iran is a Shiite theocracy, governed by a religious elite that neither Beijing nor Moscow trusts.

Russia views Islamic fundamentalism as a destabilising force, especially given its restive Muslim-majority regions like Chechnya. China, under President Xi Jinping, has aggressively cracked down on Muslim minorities in Xinjiang, detaining over a million Uyghurs and Kazakhs. Both countries view Tehran’s theocratic model with deep suspicion, complicating any broader strategic alliance.

Sergei Radchenko, a Cold War historian at Johns Hopkins University, notes that Putin has prioritised relations with Israel and Arab states—both hostile to Iran—over ties with Tehran. “Putin is a cynical, opportunistic actor,” said Radchenko. “If he needs to sacrifice Iran for strategic advantage, he will. And Tehran knows that.”

China’s Pragmatism in the Middle East

China’s posture toward Iran has been one of strategic hedging. It has provided Iran with missile and nuclear technology in the past and signed a 25-year strategic cooperation agreement. But when conflicts erupt—like the recent Iran-Israel skirmishes—Beijing avoids taking sides.

Instead, China seeks regional balance to protect its economic interests, especially oil imports from Iran’s rivals, Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Beijing’s mediating role in the March 2023 Iran-Saudi diplomatic breakthrough was less about solidarity with Iran and more about projecting itself as a neutral peacemaker in a region where it has vast commercial stakes.

Enrico Fardella, a professor at the University of Naples, explains that China is now reassessing the Middle East after the weakening of Iran and the fall of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, a key Iranian ally. China is biding its time, observing which actors emerge stronger before placing any long-term bets.

A Disjointed Axis of Convenience

Despite the talk of an anti-Western alliance, the reality is that Russia, China, Iran, and North Korea are united more by grievance than purpose. Yun Sun, a foreign policy expert at the Stimson Center, sums it up well: “This alliance, even without mutual defence, remains an alliance. But it is fragile and conditional.”

China may finance Russia’s war and prop up North Korea. Russia may buy drones from Iran. But when Iran was under fire, neither Beijing nor Moscow acted. Why? Because unlike the NATO alliance, these states do not fight for one another.

Sun also notes that Beijing sees Iran as unreliable, opportunistic, and unpredictable. Iran’s isolation makes it dependent on China, regardless of how uneven the relationship becomes.

Conclusion

Iran’s recent isolation during a critical time of military pressure has laid bare the limits of its partnerships with China and Russia. While they share anti-Western rhetoric and cooperate tactically, the so-called axis of resistance is not a true alliance. It lacks mutual defence, trust, and deep strategic coordination.

In the end, Iran’s help to Russia and oil deals with China did little to earn tangible support. Tehran now faces a sobering reality: in the game of global power politics, even friends forged through shared enemies may prove unreliable in your darkest hour.

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Despite aiding Russia and trading with China, Iran stood alone during recent military confrontations, exposing the limits of its alliances with fellow anti-Western powers.

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