From 1999 to 2025, the country has witnessed a steady stream of politicians abandoning their parties for new platforms, often just ahead of elections or in the wake of internal crises. These moves have not only reshaped electoral outcomes but have also eroded the ideological foundations of political parties and weakened democratic accountability.
Defections in Nigeria are rarely driven by ideology. Instead, they are tactical maneuvers designed to secure access to power, patronage, and political survival. The most notable example came in 2013 when a coalition of governors and lawmakers defected from the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to form the backbone of the All Progressives Congress (APC). This mass exodus was instrumental in delivering the presidency to Muhammadu Buhari in 2015, ending PDP’s sixteen-year dominance.
The trend continued into the 2020s, with governors like Ben Ayade, Dave Umahi, and Bello Matawalle switching allegiance from PDP to APC while still in office. Their reasons were strikingly similar: alignment with the federal government to attract development projects, dissatisfaction with party leadership, and regional marginalization. This year (2025), Delta State experienced a political earthquake when Governor Sheriff Oborevwori and former Governor Ifeanyi Okowa defected to APC, citing strategic alignment and the collapse of PDP’s internal structure.
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These defections are not limited to governors. Serial switchers like Atiku Abubakar, Femi Fani-Kayode, and Aminu Tambuwal have moved across party lines multiple times, often in pursuit of presidential ambitions or better political positioning. Atiku’s journey from PDP to Action Congress, back to PDP, then to APC, and again to PDP, exemplifies the fluidity of party loyalty in Nigeria. Each move was justified by claims of internal democracy, ideological differences, or national interest, though the underlying motive was often personal ambition.
The consequences of this defection culture are profound. In the National Assembly, defections have quietly rewritten legislative majorities. During the 10th Assembly (2023–2025), APC gained nearly total control of the House of Representatives, increasing its seats from 179 to 207 through strategic defections. This allowed the party to elect presiding officers with overwhelming support, effectively sidelining opposition voices. In the Senate, similar shifts occurred, with lawmakers like Ifeanyi Ubah and Ezenwa Onyewuchi changing parties to align with emerging political currents.
Legally, the Nigerian Constitution attempts to regulate defections through Section 68(1)(g), which mandates that elected officials must vacate their seats if they defect, unless their original party is in crisis. However, this provision has been rendered toothless by vague interpretations and weak enforcement. Courts often accept loosely defined “internal crises” as justification, and opposition parties rarely challenge defectors with vigour. As a result, the law has become a formality rather than a deterrent.
Beyond the legal and electoral implications, the culture of defections has damaged public trust in political institutions. Voters increasingly view parties as vehicles for personal gain rather than platforms for policy or ideology. The absence of clear ideological distinctions between parties has created a political environment where loyalty is transactional and governance is secondary to power consolidation.
This behaviour aligns with the concept of cartel politics, where dominant parties operate like state-subsidized cartels. They absorb defectors to maintain control, distribute patronage, and suppress competition. In such systems, elections become rituals of continuity rather than instruments of change. The opposition is weakened not by policy debates but by defections that drain its ranks and dilute its message.
The democratic consequences are severe. One-party dominance undermines checks and balances, weakens legislative oversight, and stifles dissent. Committees in the National Assembly are often used to reward defectors rather than scrutinize executive actions. The result is a hollow democracy where institutions exist but lack the strength to hold power accountable.
To reverse this trend, Nigeria must strengthen its legal framework around defections, enforce constitutional provisions with clarity, and cultivate political parties with distinct ideologies and internal democracy. Voters must also demand accountability and reject politicians who treat party loyalty as a disposable asset.
Defections will always be part of politics, but when they become the norm rather than the exception, they threaten the very foundation of representative governance. Nigeria’s democracy deserves better than a revolving door of opportunism. It needs leaders who stand for something beyond the next election.