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Young Workers Defy Fears as AI Creates 1 Million Jobs in America

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The latest American jobs data is challenging one of the most persistent assumptions surrounding artificial intelligence: that young workers will be among the first and biggest casualties of automation.

While AI is undoubtedly disrupting companies, occupations and traditional career paths, the labour market is telling a more complicated story. Rather than simply destroying jobs, AI is also creating new demand for workers with the skills needed to build, deploy and manage the technology.

America’s blockbuster jobs report last Friday offered an important indication of this shift.

Young workers, who have frequently been portrayed as particularly vulnerable to AI because they occupy many entry-level positions involving routine cognitive tasks, are holding up remarkably well.

This resilience matters because entry-level employment is often viewed as the first stage at which automation could reduce opportunities for inexperienced workers. If AI were rapidly eliminating junior jobs across the economy, youth employment should be among the clearest places to see the damage.

Instead, an AI hiring boom appears to be developing. The transformation is being driven by enormous corporate investment in artificial intelligence. Technology companies are spending heavily on computing infrastructure, data centres, chips, software and specialised talent.

Businesses outside the technology sector are also looking for employees who can incorporate AI into existing operations. The result is a new layer of economic activity around a technology that only a few years ago was largely confined to research laboratories and technology departments.

The Economist estimates that AI has so far created around 1m new jobs in America. That figure does not mean the technology has produced a net gain of one million jobs across the entire economy, nor does it suggest that disruption is harmless.

Rather, it illustrates an important economic principle: technological change can destroy particular jobs while simultaneously creating entirely new forms of employment. AI engineers, machine-learning specialists, data scientists and infrastructure experts are obvious examples.

But the employment effects extend beyond highly technical roles. Companies require people to evaluate AI outputs, manage implementation, oversee compliance, improve workflows and train employees. New opportunities are also emerging in areas such as AI safety, model evaluation, data management and human-AI collaboration.

Yet the benefits are unevenly distributed. Some workers face serious pressure as AI becomes capable of performing tasks that previously required human labour. Administrative work, customer support, basic content production, coding and other routine activities could experience substantial disruption.

Certain companies may respond by reducing headcount, while others may use AI to expand production without proportionately increasing their workforce. This makes the current employment picture less a victory over automation than an early chapter in a much larger transition.

For young workers, the central challenge will be adaptation. Their relative resilience suggests that AI has not yet closed the traditional entry points into the labour market. But the skills employers demand are changing quickly.

Workers who understand how to use AI effectively may increasingly have an advantage over those competing with it directly. The American jobs market therefore presents a more nuanced picture than the familiar narrative of machines replacing people.

AI is destroying some opportunities, transforming others and creating new ones. The crucial question is not whether artificial intelligence will change employment—it clearly will—but whether workers, educators and policymakers can adapt quickly enough to ensure that the new economy creates opportunity alongside disruption.

Canada’s Tariffs Challenge America’s Trade Leverage

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Canada’s decision to impose retaliatory tariffs on American goods marks a significant escalation in the trade dispute between the two North American neighbours.

The measures, introduced under Prime Minister Mark Carney, are designed to match the tariffs imposed by the United States after trade negotiations broke down.

While President Donald Trump’s position is that the United States possesses overwhelming leverage because of its larger economy, Canada’s response demonstrates that economic size does not automatically translate into unlimited bargaining power.

The United States is unquestionably the larger economic power. Canada depends heavily on access to the American market, while American consumers and businesses also rely on Canadian products, energy and raw materials.

This imbalance has encouraged the belief that Washington can impose costs on Canada without suffering comparable consequences. However, international trade is rarely a one-way relationship.

Supply chains connect the two economies so deeply that disrupting Canadian exports can also create problems for American manufacturers, consumers and businesses.

Canada’s strongest advantage is the nature of its exports. The country supplies the United States with critical commodities and industrial inputs, including energy, minerals, agricultural products and manufactured components.

Some of these goods cannot be replaced immediately by alternative suppliers. Consequently, tariffs on Canadian products can raise costs for American companies that depend on Canadian resources.

In sectors where supply chains operate across the border every day, tariffs can become an additional tax on American production rather than simply a punishment directed at Canada.

Canada also has the ability to target politically sensitive American exports. Retaliatory tariffs can be structured to place pressure on industries and regions that have significant economic or political importance.

This creates a domestic constituency in the United States that may question the costs of maintaining the confrontation. American producers facing weaker demand or higher input costs could ultimately pressure Washington to reconsider its strategy.

For Canada, retaliation carries substantial risks. The Canadian economy is highly integrated with the United States, and prolonged trade restrictions could reduce exports, weaken business investment and increase prices.

Canadian companies may also struggle to find alternative markets quickly enough to compensate for lost American demand. Ottawa therefore has to balance demonstrating strength with avoiding an escalation that causes disproportionate damage to its own economy.

The dispute also highlights the importance of diversification. If Canada can expand commercial relationships with Europe, Asia and other international markets, its dependence on the United States could gradually decline.

Such diversification would not eliminate the importance of the American market, but it would give Ottawa greater freedom in future negotiations. Trade policy therefore becomes not only a question of tariffs but also a long-term strategy for economic resilience.

The broader lesson is that economic power has limits. The United States may have a larger economy and greater negotiating weight, but Canada controls resources and supply chains that are valuable to its southern neighbour. A trade war can therefore produce costs on both sides, even when one country is considerably larger.

Canada’s retaliation is an attempt to transform economic interdependence into bargaining power. Whether it succeeds will depend on how long both governments can absorb the resulting costs and whether negotiations eventually resume.

Trump may believe Washington holds all the cards, but Canada does not need to hold the strongest hand to make the American side feel the consequences of the dispute.

CBN Data Localisation Deadline: What to Check Before Signing a Cloud Service Agreement

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Introduction

In 2022, I wrote a piece titled “Cloud Heavy: Data Computing & Protection”, arguing that proponents of data sovereignty and data localisation would, sooner or later, win the policy argument. At the time, it was a forward-looking observation rather than a live compliance issue: cloud computing was expanding across Nigerian businesses faster than the regulatory framework around it, and the localisation debate was still largely theoretical for most organisations outside the most heavily regulated sectors.

Four years later, that prediction is no longer theoretical. It is a compliance deadline.

The Directive That Changed the Conversation

On 16 June 2026, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) issued a directive requiring that all regulated payment transaction data generated in Nigeria be stored and managed within Nigerian borders by 1 January 2027. The directive applies to deposit money banks, microfinance banks, mobile money operators, switching companies, payment service providers, and other regulated financial participants; an ecosystem that processes tens of billions of digital transactions annually.

The National Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA) has since moved to operationalise the directive through a Certified Cloud Register, developed under its National Sovereign Cloud Initiative. From October 2026, regulated institutions handling sensitive data are expected to source cloud infrastructure, data centre, managed service, and AI infrastructure providers from this national register. The register is intended to give regulated institutions a common, independently assessed standard for verifying that a provider meets Nigeria’s technical and regulatory requirements, filling a gap that, until now, left compliance verification largely to each institution’s own due diligence.

Together, the CBN directive and the NITDA framework mark the clearest signal yet that Nigeria’s regulators view data location as inseparable from regulatory control. Where data resides increasingly determines who can see it, audit it, and respond quickly when something goes wrong; and that logic is unlikely to remain confined to the financial sector.

Why This Matters Beyond Banks and Fintechs

It is tempting to treat this as a financial-sector story. It is not, not entirely. The broader signal (that Nigerian regulators are prepared to mandate where data physically sits) has implications for any business handling data the state considers sensitive: health records, government contracts, critical national infrastructure, and increasingly, data feeding AI systems. Organisations outside the immediate scope of the CBN directive should read this as a preview, not an exception.

What to Look Out for When Negotiating a New Cloud Service Agreement

For institutions now negotiating agreements with local cloud service providers, or preparing to migrate from an existing foreign provider, the pressure to move quickly is real. But speed and diligence are not naturally compatible, and a cloud services agreement signed under deadline pressure tends to be the agreement an organisation is stuck living with. A few areas deserve particular attention.

1. Data classification and scope

The CBN directive targets payment transaction data specifically, not an organisation’s entire IT estate. Before signing, the agreement should precisely define which data categories are being localised, and confirm that other data may still be legitimately processed elsewhere where the law permits. Over-localising adds unnecessary cost; under-localising is a compliance breach waiting to surface during a regulatory audit.

2. Certification status

Confirm, as a contractual condition, that the provider is on, or has a warranted, dated commitment to join, NITDA’s Certified Cloud Register. A provider that cannot demonstrate this status transfers regulatory risk to the client organisation, regardless of what the marketing material says.

3. Service levels, redundancy, and disaster recovery

Local cloud and data centre infrastructure in Nigeria has expanded significantly, but multi-region failover, automated recovery, and the depth of redundancy that global hyperscalers have built over decades are not replicated overnight. Industry voices have already flagged concerns about the capacity of local infrastructure to absorb large-scale migration without disruption to live financial services. Agreements should include specific, measurable SLAs on uptime and recovery time objectives, not “commercially reasonable efforts” language backed by meaningful financial remedies when they are missed.

4. Audit and inspection rights

Localising infrastructure does not localise legal responsibility. As a data controller or processor under the Nigeria Data Protection Act (NDPA) 2023, an organisation’s compliance obligations remain its own even where the underlying infrastructure is outsourced. The agreement should preserve contractual audit rights, request evidence of security controls, and receive breach notification within a defined and enforceable window.

5. Exit, portability, and data return

This is the clause most often deprioritised while attention is focused on getting the migration done. What happens to the organisation’s data (and how quickly can it be retrieved, in a usable format), if the relationship ends, or if the provider loses its certification? Data return and secure deletion obligations should be negotiated at the outset, while the client still has leverage, not after a dispute has already begun.

6. Pricing, egress, and migration costs

Egress fees from the current (frequently foreign) provider, dual-running costs during transition, and any early termination penalties under the existing contract should all be modelled before negotiations with the new provider begin, and where possible, shared or offset contractually.

7. Regulatory change clauses

The CBN directive, the NITDA register, and the broader National Digital Cloud Policy adopted in August 2026 are all recent and still being implemented in practice. Agreements should be drafted to anticipate further regulatory evolution rather than freeze today’s requirements in place, since the framework governing this space is unlikely to be final.

8. Governing law and dispute resolution

With the underlying data now sitting within Nigeria, Nigerian law and Nigerian courts (or a Nigeria-seated arbitration clause, where preferred) should generally govern the relationship. This is worth confirming explicitly rather than assuming — particularly where a local provider proposes standard-form terms that were not drafted with this migration wave in mind.

Will There Be Disputes?

Almost certainly, and probably concentrated in three areas.

SLA breaches. As local infrastructure is tested at a scale it has not previously carried, gaps in capacity, uptime, or disaster recovery are likely to surface, and with them, disputes over whether contractual service levels were met.

Scope disagreements. What counts as “regulated” or “sensitive” data requiring localisation is not always self-evident, particularly for fintechs running hybrid architectures that blend local and international infrastructure. Disputes over classification are a foreseeable friction point between institutions and their regulators, and between institutions and their cloud providers.

Exit disputes with displaced providers. As institutions migrate away from foreign cloud providers, disagreements over early termination fees, data extraction timelines, and residual liability for data still resident abroad during the transition window are likely.

None of this is a reason to delay migration; the regulatory deadline does not move because a contract is complicated. It is a reason to negotiate deliberately rather than quickly, and to treat the agreement itself as the primary risk-management tool available during this transition.

Closing Thought

I made the argument in 2022 that data localisation was a matter of when, not if. It is no longer a policy debate; it is a January 2027 compliance deadline with a national certification register attached. Organisations that treat their new cloud service agreements as a formality to get through will discover, in time, that the contract signed under pressure is the one they are bound by.

“No Clarity Act This Congress Means Waiting Until 2030” – Senator Lummis Warns

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U.S. Senator Cynthia Lummis issued a stark warning this week stating that failure to pass the Digital Asset Market Clarity Act during the current Congress would push the next realistic opportunity for comprehensive cryptocurrency market structure legislation to 2030.

In a post on X, Lummis stated,

“If the Clarity Act doesn’t pass this Congress, the next real opportunity to bring market structure legislation back up is 2030. That’s years of jobs, investment, and tax revenue we can avoid squandering if we finish this now.”

The Wyoming senator, one of Congress’s most vocal advocates for digital assets, has repeated variations of this 2030 timeline for months, arguing that political realities including the midterm elections and the end of the current legislative session make another serious push unlikely before then.

She has framed the bill not merely as crypto regulation but as a decision about whether the United States leads the next financial system or cedes ground to other countries.

Lummis’s statement comes as the Commodity Futures Trading Commission last month, disclosed its readiness to move forward with cryptocurrency regulations using its existing authorities if Congress does not pass the long-awaited Digital Asset Market Clarity Act.

CFTC Chair Michael Selig has also repeatedly signaled that regulators will not wait indefinitely. In earlier comments, he warned that without legislation, agencies would end up “writing all the rules” for digital assets.

Notably, a CFTC spokesperson reinforced Selig’s position, stating that the agency stands ready to protect America’s leadership in financial markets and ensure it remains the crypto capital of the world, citing the costs of prolonged regulatory uncertainty under previous administrations.

According to a survey conducted by Focaldata and commissioned by Coinbase, 55% of respondents said they would feel more protected as cryptocurrency users or potential users if the legislation becomes law.

It comes as lawmakers continue efforts to establish a clearer federal regulatory framework for digital assets after years of uncertainty that have left much of the industry operating under overlapping agency oversight or shifting enforcement approaches.

The Clarity Act, formally known as the Digital Asset Market Clarity Act seeks to establish clear rules distinguishing securities under Securities and Exchange Commission oversight from digital commodities under Commodity Futures Trading Commission jurisdiction.

It would create registration requirements for certain intermediaries, introduce tailored disclosure frameworks for digital assets, strengthen consumer protections and provide limited legal safeguards for non-custodial software developers.

Supporters say it would replace years of regulation-by-enforcement with statutory clarity. However, critics including many Democrats, have argued that the current text lacks sufficient safeguards against illicit finance and stronger ethics rules.

The legislation passed the House in July 2025 with bipartisan support. In May 2026, the Senate Banking Committee advanced it by a 15-9 vote. Lawmakers later worked to merge Banking and Agriculture Committee versions into a unified text.

A procedural cloture vote that would allow the bill to advance on the Senate floor is currently scheduled for September 15, 2026. Prediction markets have assigned relatively low odds to passage by the end of 2026, and some observers have described the effort as facing significant hurdles.

Outlook

The outlook for the Clarity Act remains uncertain but potentially pivotal. The September 15 closure vote represents the next major test of whether lawmakers can overcome the political and substantive disagreements that have slowed the legislation.

While the bill has already demonstrated bipartisan support in the House and advanced through the Senate Banking Committee, securing the votes needed for final Senate passage and reconciling differences between the Senate and House versions could prove difficult.

Japan’s Foreign Reserves Suffer Record Drop as Yen Intervention Intensifies

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Reserves fall 6.18% in August as Tokyo’s dollar-selling interventions and rising global bond yields weigh on holdings

Japan’s foreign-exchange reserves recorded their sharpest monthly decline since comparable records began in 2000, falling 6.18% in August as Tokyo’s efforts to support the yen coincided with a selloff in global government bonds.

Reserves stood at $1.207 trillion at the end of August, down from $1.287 trillion a month earlier, according to Finance Ministry data. The decline marked the fourth consecutive monthly drop and exceeded the previous record of 5.58% set in May.

The Finance Ministry did not specify the reasons for the latest decline. Kyodo News, citing an unidentified ministry official, attributed the fall to foreign-exchange intervention aimed at supporting the yen as well as a decline in the market value of government bonds following a sharp rise in yields.

Masahiko Loo, senior fixed-income strategist at State Street Investment Management, said the decline was primarily linked to Tokyo’s recent efforts to sell dollars and buy yen.

“The decline is primarily the result of Japan’s recent dollar-selling, yen-buying FX interventions,” Loo told CNBC.

The drop in reserves provides a measure of the scale of Japan’s recent currency-defense campaign. Tokyo has intervened repeatedly in foreign-exchange markets as the yen came under intense pressure from wide interest-rate differentials and expectations that U.S. rates would remain substantially above Japanese borrowing costs.

Japan spent about 11.73 trillion yen ($75.26 billion) supporting the currency in April and May before conducting a substantially larger intervention of 15.4 trillion yen at the end of July. The July operation was supplemented by the United States selling euros to support the yen, marking the first coordinated intervention between Washington and Tokyo to support Japan’s currency since 1998.

The combined intervention of about 27.1 trillion yen so far this year is the largest annual amount recorded by Japan, exceeding the previous record of 20.4 trillion yen in 2003.

The intervention has nevertheless left the yen well below its levels of a year ago. The currency fell to a 40-year low of 163.98 per dollar on July 23 before recovering, and was trading around 155.98 on Monday.

For investors, however, the decline in reserves does not necessarily signal financial instability.

“The decline reflects policy action rather than financial stress,” Loo said.

The latest decline largely reflects the government actively deploying foreign assets to influence the exchange rate rather than losing the ability to meet external obligations. At the same time, rising global bond yields are creating an additional valuation drag. Yields on government debt in the United States, Germany, Britain and other major economies have climbed to multiyear highs, reducing the market value of existing bonds held as reserve assets.

The combination creates a difficult environment for Japanese policymakers: defending the yen requires selling foreign-currency assets, while higher global yields can reduce the value of the assets that remain.

BOJ Rate Hike Bets Strengthen

The pressure on the yen is also strengthening the case for the Bank of Japan to raise interest rates.

Takuji Aida, an economic adviser to Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi and chief Japan economist at Credit Agricole, said the BOJ is likely to increase its policy rate in September and could continue raising rates roughly once a quarter through January.

Aida, a reflationist who has traditionally opposed rapid BOJ tightening, said he had brought forward his forecast for the next rate increase from January 2027 because September offers a narrow opportunity to act before an extraordinary parliamentary session begins in early October.

Parliament is expected to debate, among other measures, legislation related to Takaichi’s proposal to suspend an 8% levy on food items for two years.

After a September increase, Aida expects another hike by January, followed by a slower pace of roughly one increase every six months.

“The premature, accelerated pace of rate hikes would weigh on the economy,” Aida said.

Markets have already moved strongly toward expecting tighter policy. Investors are now pricing in a near-certain 25-basis-point increase in the BOJ’s policy rate to 1.25% at its September 17-18 meeting.

The prospect of a hike has strengthened partly because of continuing pressure from Washington. U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent last week voiced strong support for “decisive” monetary-policy action by the BOJ to address yen weakness.

Japanese officials have pushed back against the perception that Washington can dictate monetary policy. Finance Minister Satsuki Katayama has repeatedly said interest-rate decisions are the responsibility of the central bank.

BOJ Governor Kazuo Ueda, however, said last week that policymakers would consider a rate increase, including at the September meeting, with particular attention to whether inflationary risks were intensifying.

Yen Weakness Puts BOJ In A Difficult Position

Analysts see the prospect of higher rates as an indication that currency intervention alone may not provide a durable solution to the yen’s weakness. This is because selling dollars and buying yen can temporarily alter supply and demand in foreign-exchange markets, but the currency’s longer-term direction is heavily influenced by interest-rate differentials and expectations for future monetary policy.

That leaves the BOJ facing a difficult balancing act.

Higher rates could make yen-denominated assets more attractive and reduce the incentive for investors to hold dollars against the yen. But faster monetary tightening would also increase borrowing costs for Japanese households and companies and could weaken domestic demand at a time when policymakers remain concerned about economic growth.

Aida’s comments are therefore notable not simply because he expects a September hike, but because they suggest that support for further normalization may be broadening even within an administration that has generally favored accommodative policy.

The government has also been under pressure to prevent excessive yen weakness from feeding into imported inflation, particularly through higher energy and food costs.

For markets, the raging concern hangs on the ability of the BOJ to narrow the interest-rate gap with the United States without undermining Japan’s economic recovery. The record decline in foreign reserves shows that Tokyo has been willing to use substantial resources to stabilize the currency. But with global bond yields rising and the yen still trading near 156 per dollar, intervention alone may have diminishing effectiveness.

A sustained recovery in the yen would likely require a combination of continued official intervention, a credible path toward higher Japanese interest rates and, potentially, a shift in expectations for U.S. monetary policy.