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Germany’s 23.6% Wage Gap Raises Concerns Over Foreign Worker Pay

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The pay gap between German and foreign full-time workers in Germany stood at 23.6% at the end of 2025, according to figures announced by the Labour Ministry.

The disparity highlights a persistent divide within one of Europe’s largest labour markets, even as Germany continues to rely heavily on foreign workers to address shortages across key sectors of its economy.

Germany has faced significant demographic and labour-market pressures in recent years. An ageing population and a shrinking domestic workforce have increased demand for workers from abroad.

Foreign employees have become increasingly important in industries ranging from manufacturing and construction to healthcare, logistics, hospitality and information technology. Yet the latest pay figures suggest that entering the German labour market does not necessarily translate into equal earnings.

A pay gap of 23.6% means that foreign full-time employees, on average, earn substantially less than their German counterparts. Such a comparison does not automatically mean that workers performing identical jobs receive different salaries solely because of nationality.

Differences in occupation, qualifications, seniority, working experience, industry, region and employment status can all influence earnings.  Still, the scale of the disparity raises questions about how effectively Germany is integrating foreign workers into its economy.

Many international employees arrive with qualifications and professional experience obtained outside Germany, but their credentials may not always be fully recognised.

Language barriers can also restrict access to higher-paying positions, while unfamiliarity with the German employment system may make it more difficult for foreign workers to negotiate salaries or move into senior roles.

The issue is particularly important because Germany needs foreign labour to maintain economic productivity. Companies across the country have repeatedly warned about shortages of skilled workers, making immigration an increasingly important part of economic policy.

If foreign workers remain concentrated in lower-paid occupations despite possessing valuable skills, Germany could be failing to capture a significant portion of the economic potential created by migration.

Closing the pay gap would therefore have implications beyond individual household incomes. Higher wages would strengthen purchasing power, increase tax contributions and potentially improve Germany’s ability to attract and retain skilled international workers.

For businesses, better integration could also expand the pool of employees capable of filling specialised and managerial positions.

The government may consequently face pressure to improve qualification recognition, professional training and language support while strengthening measures against workplace discrimination.

Greater transparency around salaries could also help workers understand whether their compensation reflects their qualifications and responsibilities. At the same time, the 23.6% figure should be interpreted carefully.

An aggregate wage gap can reflect the different types of jobs held by German and foreign workers rather than a direct wage penalty for nationality. Understanding the underlying causes requires examining the gap by occupation, education, age, region and length of residence.

The figures provide an important snapshot of Germany’s labour-market challenges at the end of 2025. As the country becomes increasingly dependent on international workers, narrowing the earnings divide could become both a social objective and an economic necessity.

Germany’s ability to attract talent will ultimately depend not only on how many foreign workers enter the country, but also on whether they have genuine opportunities to progress, earn competitive wages and participate fully in the economy.

OpenAI’s Chief Economist Says AI Is Changing the Job of Studying Jobs

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At OpenAI, figuring out how artificial intelligence will transform the labor market has become a moving target, with the researchers studying AI’s economic impact forced to adapt almost as quickly as the technology itself.

Ronnie Chatterji, OpenAI’s chief economist, leads a team of about a dozen economists, data scientists, business professionals, former teachers and former government workers examining how AI is changing workers, companies and the broader economy.

But even the questions they are trying to answer are changing.

“The job description is changing a lot,” Chatterji told Business Insider.

He cited recursive self-improvement, the idea that AI systems could improve their own capabilities, as an example. It was not a major focus of his team’s work a year ago but has since emerged as an area the researchers are studying. That illustrates one of the central difficulties of researching AI’s economic effects: the underlying technology is evolving faster than many traditional economic models and assumptions can accommodate.

Chatterji joined OpenAI in 2024 after a career in government and academia. He served in the Biden White House as coordinator of the $52 billion CHIPS program and as acting deputy director of the National Economic Council. He was previously chief economist at the Commerce Department and remains a professor of business and public policy at Duke University.

OpenAI was not initially part of his plans.

Chatterji had been preparing to write a book about his government experience when a former colleague who had joined OpenAI contacted him. Their initial discussions centered on supply chains and semiconductors, areas that were increasingly important to OpenAI as the company considered the enormous computing infrastructure required to train and operate advanced AI systems.

The conversations eventually expanded into a broader question: how should a company building increasingly capable AI understand its economic consequences?

“This is a whole emerging category, and that’s when the chief economist role got created,” Chatterji said.

He reports to OpenAI’s chief financial officer, Sarah Friar.

Chatterji’s team is organized around three broad questions: what AI is doing to work now, how companies are adopting the technology and reorganizing around it, and what increasingly capable AI could mean for the economy in the future.

“We built the team around three sets of questions: How AI is changing work today; how businesses are adopting and reorganizing around AI; and what increasingly capable AI could mean for the economy tomorrow,” he said.

The three areas are closely connected.

The first involves measuring changes that are already taking place in employment, wages, productivity and the tasks workers perform. The second examines how companies are incorporating AI into their operations and whether the technology changes organizational structures, staffing needs and business models.

The third is considerably harder because it requires economists to reason about technologies that may not yet exist in mature form.

That uncertainty is shaping the type of people Chatterji wants to hire.

“We need people who can bring rigorous economic thinking to what’s happening today, but who are also comfortable tackling questions where we don’t have all the answers yet,” he said. “You have to be comfortable with being uncomfortable.”

That represents a significant departure from conventional economic research, where researchers can spend years studying relatively stable datasets and established relationships.

At OpenAI, the underlying technology can change between the beginning and end of a research project.

Chatterji described the pace of innovation inside the company as “a little insane,” noting that a study using data through June could already be viewed by some as outdated by August.

That creates a methodological problem for economists attempting to measure AI’s impact. If AI capabilities, adoption rates and business practices are changing rapidly, conclusions based on historical data can become obsolete before they are published. It also means researchers must combine traditional economic analysis with real-time data, industry research and close engagement with companies, governments and universities.

Collaboration is therefore another central part of the job.

“We get a lot of questions from our colleagues about economics,” Chatterji said, while noting that his team also works with external organizations.

OpenAI has argued that no single company, government or academic institution has enough information or resources to fully understand AI’s economic effects. The scale of the changes being considered makes cooperation relevant, particularly for questions involving employment, productivity, taxation and economic inequality.

Chatterji’s own career illustrates the breadth of issues now falling under the chief economist’s remit.

His academic research focused on innovation and entrepreneurship. At OpenAI, his work extends into labor markets, corporate adoption, industrial policy and the potential effects of increasingly capable AI systems.

That breadth reflects how difficult it is to separate AI’s technological impact from its economic consequences.

A more capable model can alter the economics of software development. Greater automation can change hiring decisions. Lower costs for certain forms of knowledge work can create new businesses while reducing demand for some existing tasks. At the same time, entirely new categories of work may emerge around technologies that did not previously exist.

For Chatterji’s team, the challenge is to distinguish between these competing effects rather than assume that AI will simply eliminate jobs or, alternatively, make workers uniformly more productive.

The need for that analysis is becoming more urgent as companies move from experimenting with AI to incorporating it into everyday operations. Businesses are increasingly using AI for coding, customer service, research, marketing, administration and other knowledge-intensive tasks. The economic consequences could depend less on whether AI can perform a particular task and more on how companies reorganize work around those capabilities.

That is why Chatterji says members of his team must have a high degree of independence.

Researchers cannot simply wait for a fixed assignment. They need to identify which questions matter, determine who needs the answers, and adjust their work as the technology changes.

The approach also shows that OpenAI is no longer simply developing AI models and measuring their technical performance. It is now building an internal research capability aimed at understanding how those models affect the economy in which OpenAI operates. That could become more relevant for a company whose technology is being adopted across industries.

OpenAI needs to understand not only whether its models are becoming more capable, but what those capabilities mean for customers, workers and businesses. The answers could influence product development, enterprise strategy and the company’s engagement with governments as policymakers debate how AI should be regulated.

The research also has an unusual feedback loop. OpenAI is studying the economic effects of the technology while simultaneously building the technology that could cause those effects. That gives Chatterji’s team access to an unusually close view of AI adoption, but it also creates a need for rigorous analysis to separate evidence from assumptions about what the technology may eventually achieve.

For now, Chatterji says the uncertainty is part of what makes the work compelling.

“If you’re an economist at a cocktail party or on the sidelines of your kid’s soccer game, usually you’re not very popular,” he said.

That has changed.

“What’s AI going to do in the job market?” is now a question that economists, business leaders, workers and governments increasingly want answered.

OpenAI’s decision to employ a dedicated team to study that question reflects how central the economic consequences of AI have become to the company’s own strategy. But the team’s biggest challenge may be that by the time it answers one question, the technology may have created several new ones.

Binance Founder CZ Urges Countries to “Tokenize Everything” as A New Route to Attract FDI

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Binance co-founder Changpeng Zhao popularly known as “CZ”,  has urged countries to embrace broad-based asset tokenization.

He stated that the emerging technology could provide a powerful new avenue for raising capital and attracting foreign direct investment (FDI).

In a post on X, he wrote,

“Let’s tokenize everything. Tokenization is one of the best ways for countries to “raise money”, or attract FDI (Foreign Direct Investment). Which country/company won’t want to sell their (tokenized) stocks to everyone in the world?

“I support tokenization on all blockchains. While this creates the fragmented liquidity problem, it is the fastest way to grow the sector, with multiple players pushing. Fragmentation can be somewhat addressed if there is high interchangeability amongst different issuers, which is important.”

His call reflects the growing push to bring real-world assets onto blockchain networks, potentially opening national economies to a wider pool of global investors.

The statement came in response to fresh data from BNB Chain showing 776,000 real-world asset (RWA) holders on the network, an increase of roughly 370 percent in just 30 days.

That rapid growth has positioned BNB Chain as a current leader in on-chain RWA adoption. CZ used the milestone as a springboard to argue that tokenization should expand far beyond any single chain.

At its core, his argument is straightforward. Tokenizing stocks, bonds, real estate, and other traditional assets makes them programmable, fractional, and accessible to anyone with an internet connection and a compatible wallet.

A company or government that issues a tokenized equity or debt instrument can, in theory, sell pieces of it to investors anywhere in the world without the usual geographic, regulatory, or intermediary barriers that constrain conventional capital markets.

Tokenization is increasingly being viewed as one of the most significant applications of blockchain technology because it can transform how real-world assets are issued, owned, traded, and financed.

By representing assets such as government bonds, real estate, commodities, company shares and other financial instruments as digital tokens on a blockchain, tokenization can make traditionally illiquid or difficult-to-access markets more accessible to a broader pool of investors.

For nations, the potential benefits extend beyond simply adopting a new financial technology. Tokenization could provide governments and businesses with another mechanism to raise capital and attract foreign direct investment.

Instead of relying exclusively on traditional financial institutions and markets, countries could create regulated digital representations of assets and investment opportunities that can potentially be accessed by investors across different jurisdictions.

Notably, CZ explicitly supports tokenization across all blockchains rather than concentrating activity on one network. He acknowledges the downside this creates which is fragmented liquidity.

For him, when the same type of asset exists in slightly different forms on multiple chains, buyers and sellers can find themselves split across isolated pools, reducing overall market efficiency.

The broader context for CZ’s comment is the accelerating migration of real-world value onto public blockchains. Tokenized treasuries, private credit, real estate, and equities have moved from proof-of-concept to measurable on-chain volumes in recent years.

Outlook

Looking ahead, the tokenization sector could become an increasingly important part of global capital markets as financial institutions, governments, and companies explore blockchain-based alternatives for issuing and distributing assets.

If the current pace of adoption continues, tokenized stocks, bonds, treasuries, real estate and private-market assets could move from niche applications into more mainstream investment products.

Ultimately, the long-term potential of tokenization extends beyond simply putting traditional assets on a blockchain. Its larger promise is the creation of a more accessible, programmable, and globally connected capital market.

10-Year U.S. Treasury Yield Near 5% Could Trigger 20% Stock-Market Drop, Strategist Warns

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A further rise in long-term U.S. Treasury yields toward 5% could trigger a sharp de-risking across equities and send the S&P 500 down as much as 20%, according to Phillip Colmar, a partner at market research firm MRB Partners.

The warning comes after a turbulent week in bond markets, with investors increasingly focused on the combination of elevated inflation, strong economic growth expectations and rising U.S. government debt.

The benchmark 10-year Treasury yield climbed above 4.7% this week, while the 30-year yield moved above 5.2%, increasing pressure on equity valuations and raising concerns about how much higher borrowing costs could affect corporate investment and profits.

Colmar said stocks could be “on the brink” of a de-risking episode if long-term yields continue to rise.

“If it looks like it’s going up and it’s not going to be stopped, you could end up with a de-risking event that starts below 5%,” Colmar told Business Insider, referring to the 10-year Treasury yield.

He estimated that a move toward 5% could ultimately result in a 15% to 20% decline in the S&P 500, although he did not make a specific forecast for where Treasury yields will settle.

The warning comes at a particularly sensitive point for equity markets. Investors have spent much of the past year placing large bets on artificial intelligence, expecting rapid productivity gains and strong earnings growth from companies building AI infrastructure and applications.

Higher long-term yields threaten that trade by changing the relative attractiveness of stocks. Treasury securities are generally viewed as the benchmark risk-free asset, so when their yields rise, investors can demand higher expected returns from equities to compensate for taking additional risk.

The effect weighs largely on growth stocks, whose valuations depend heavily on earnings expected several years into the future. Higher discount rates reduce the present value of those future earnings, putting pressure on companies with high valuations and long-duration growth expectations.

The AI sector is especially exposed because the industry’s expansion requires enormous amounts of capital.

Technology companies are spending heavily on data centers, computing infrastructure, chips, and electricity capacity to support sophisticated AI systems. Much of that investment is expected to generate returns over several years rather than immediately.

Higher financing costs could therefore reduce returns on invested capital and make it more difficult for companies to justify the scale of their spending.

Colmar said the combination of elevated expectations and rising borrowing costs could create an “air pocket” in the market.

“You just end up with an air pocket between what might be a decent theme, but expectations were just too high and they can’t be met now,” he said.

That dynamic could be especially damaging if investors begin lowering earnings forecasts for AI companies at the same time that they demand greater discipline over capital spending.

The concern is not necessarily that the AI investment cycle will collapse. Rather, higher rates could force investors to reassess how quickly companies can turn enormous infrastructure spending into revenue and profits.

The Treasury’s response to rising long-term yields could also become a source of market uncertainty.

Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said this week that the department would increase its bond buybacks in an effort to reduce the supply of longer-dated securities available in the market. Lower supply can support bond prices and, in turn, put downward pressure on yields.

Colmar warned, however, that the policy could have the opposite psychological effect if investors interpret the move as an attempt to suppress yields without addressing the underlying reasons for the increase.

He also pointed to the lack of coordination with the Federal Reserve, which has been allowing Treasury securities to mature and roll off its balance sheet as part of its quantitative-tightening process.

If investors conclude that the Treasury is becoming increasingly concerned about the level of long-term yields, the intervention could undermine confidence rather than restore it.

“The market sniffs out the panic,” Colmar said.

The underlying drivers of higher yields are considered important. Rising government borrowing needs increase the amount of debt that investors must absorb, while expectations for stronger economic growth can push yields higher by reducing expectations for monetary easing.

Persistent inflation creates another challenge because investors demand greater compensation for holding long-duration bonds when they believe purchasing power will erode more rapidly.

The U.S.-Iran war has added another inflationary dimension by increasing uncertainty around energy prices and supply chains, further complicating the outlook for inflation and interest rates.

A sustained rise in long-term yields would therefore create a difficult environment for both bonds and equities. Higher yields can attract capital away from stocks while simultaneously increasing the discount rate used to value companies and raising financing costs across the economy.

Colmar remains positioned for economic growth rather than an immediate recession, but he recommends investors reduce exposure to areas most vulnerable to higher rates if Treasury yields continue to rise.

One strategy is to trim exposure to AI stocks and increase allocations to defensive sectors, with healthcare among his preferred areas because of its relatively lower sensitivity to interest rates. Financial stocks could also benefit from a higher-rate environment, depending on the shape of the yield curve and the effect of borrowing costs on banks’ net interest margins and credit quality.

Exchange-traded funds such as the Vanguard Health Care ETF and Financial Select Sector SPDR Fund provide exposure to those sectors.

The broader message from the bond market is that the next major risk to equities may not come from an abrupt deterioration in economic growth. It could instead come from a gradual repricing of the cost of capital.

That matters for investors because a strong economy can coexist with falling stocks if Treasury yields rise quickly enough. In such an environment, corporate earnings may continue to grow while equity valuations contract as investors demand greater returns to compensate for higher interest rates.

The AI sector has benefited from expectations of enormous future earnings, but those expectations are increasingly being tested against the cost of building the infrastructure needed to produce them.

If the 10-year Treasury yield approaches 5%, investors may begin asking whether projected AI returns are large enough, and arrive quickly enough, to justify current valuations and capital spending. That could turn higher bond yields from a macroeconomic concern into a direct threat to one of the market’s most crowded investment themes.

Sinopec Profit Jumps 19% Despite Middle East Oil Shock as Refining Gains Offset $2.4bn Write-Down

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China’s Sinopec reported a surprise 19.3% increase in first-half net profit, showing how the world’s largest refiner managed to navigate the disruption in Middle Eastern oil supplies, weaker domestic fuel demand and volatile crude prices, even as it took a 16 billion yuan ($2.4 billion) impairment charge on its inventories.

Net profit for the six months through June rose to 25.63 billion yuan under Chinese accounting standards, from 21.48 billion yuan a year earlier, Sinopec said in a filing with the Shanghai stock exchange on Sunday.

The result is notable given the extraordinary disruption in global oil markets since the Middle East conflict began in March. Sinopec is exposed to the crisis because about half of its crude supply normally comes from the Middle East, much of it transported through the Strait of Hormuz, which has remained largely closed.

The company said it recorded 16 billion yuan in asset-impairment provisions because of sharp fluctuations in oil and refined-fuel prices during the first half.

Yet its core refining operation performed far better than the headline disruption might suggest.

Sinopec’s refining margin increased 44.1% year on year to 453 yuan per metric ton, an increase of 139 yuan. Refining operating profit surged 381.5%, according to the filing. That performance came even as Sinopec processed less crude and faced restrictions on its ability to pass higher international oil costs on to Chinese consumers.

The company processed 113.31 million metric tons of crude in the first half, equivalent to about 4.57 million barrels per day, down 5.6% from the same period last year.

The ability to improve profitability while processing less crude points to the importance of Sinopec’s supply and product-mix decisions rather than simply higher volumes.

The company said it responded to the disruption by broadening crude sourcing beyond the Middle East, adjusting the timing of purchases according to market conditions and allocating production toward products with stronger margins.

That strategy helped Sinopec exploit one of the biggest dislocations created by the Middle East conflict.

China has sharply reduced crude imports since the war began, reducing competition for available barrels and helping prevent a much larger global oil-price spike. Sinopec, however, still had to navigate higher procurement costs for imported crude while operating in a domestic market where fuel prices did not rise as quickly as international oil prices.

The company acknowledged that the conflict had caused “sharp volatility in international crude oil prices and a substantial increase in imported crude procurement costs,” while domestic refined-product and chemical markets remained weak.

Sinopec said it responded by closely monitoring market conditions and adjusting production and operating arrangements as conditions changed.

The result suggests that the company’s scale and ability to shift its sourcing strategy provided a significant buffer against the supply shock. It also highlights the unusual role China’s state-controlled refiners have played during the oil crisis. While refiners elsewhere have been able to pass much of the increase in crude costs through to customers, Beijing has limited the speed and extent of domestic fuel-price increases, leaving Chinese refiners to absorb part of the shock.

Sinopec’s higher refining margins therefore cannot be explained simply by stronger domestic fuel prices. Instead, the company appears to have benefited from a combination of lower-cost sourcing opportunities outside the Middle East, inventory and procurement management, and a more profitable product mix.

The improvement in refining profitability helped offset weakness elsewhere in the business.

Sinopec’s chemicals division remained in the red, posting an operating loss of more than 200 million yuan. However, the loss narrowed by about 4 billion yuan from a year earlier.

Petrochemicals remain a significant challenge for China’s major refiners because the country has built substantial production capacity while demand has struggled to keep pace.

Sinopec’s ethylene output, a key indicator for the petrochemical business, fell 15.5% to 6.4 million tons in the first half. The decline reflects both weak market conditions and growing competition from China’s private-sector refiners and petrochemical producers. Excess capacity has put pressure on margins across the industry, making chemicals a drag on Sinopec’s broader earnings.

The divergence between refining and chemicals is important for China’s energy companies. Stronger refining economics can provide support when crude prices and fuel markets are volatile, but petrochemical overcapacity represents a more structural problem that cannot be solved simply by adjusting crude procurement.

Sinopec’s first-half results therefore offer a mixed picture of China’s oil demand.

Crude processing fell by more than 5%, suggesting that domestic fuel consumption remains under pressure. Weakness in the chemicals market provides another indication that China’s broader industrial demand has not fully recovered. At the same time, Sinopec was able to generate higher earnings because the margins on the barrels it did process improved substantially.

The company expects to process about 113 million metric tons of crude in the second half, roughly in line with the amount processed during the first six months. That forecast is believed to be an indication that Sinopec is not anticipating a major acceleration in domestic fuel demand during the remainder of the year.

The bigger uncertainty remains the Middle East.

Sinopec’s exposure to the region means that prolonged disruption around the Strait of Hormuz could continue to raise procurement costs and force the company to seek alternative supplies.

The company has already demonstrated that it can diversify crude sourcing, but replacing large volumes of Middle Eastern oil could become more expensive if the disruption persists and competition for alternative barrels intensifies.

The 16 billion yuan impairment charge also shows the financial cost of navigating a highly volatile oil market. Inventory write-downs can occur when the value of crude and refined products held by a company falls, meaning Sinopec’s strong operating performance does not fully capture the financial impact of the price swings. That creates an important distinction in the results: Sinopec’s underlying refining business became substantially more profitable, but the company still had to absorb a large balance-sheet hit from market volatility.