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SPECIAL REPORT: A New Playbook for Conducting and Managing Revolution Protest in Nigeria

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Considering the rots in Nigerian systems, it would be an understatement to say that the country and her citizens are not facing significant socioeconomic and political problems after independence. One of her dreaded socioeconomic problems has been unemployment over the years. “Corruption in both public and private and at the individual levels, industrial decay, and neglect of the agricultural sector are among many others have been identified as factors responsible for unemployment.” The resultant effects, according to many sources, have been widespread poverty, youth restiveness, high rate of social vices and criminal activities.

According a recent study, “If not controlled, apathy, cynicism and revolution might become the consequent.” In line with this background and other issues analysed by our analyst, this piece considers motives of the RevolutionNow Group led by Omoyele Sowore and media [Nigerian and foreign newspapers], and the Nigerian Police behind staging #Revolutionnow protest, framing the protest and managing it between August 5, 2020 to August 31, 2020.

Revolutionary Pressures and Social Movements

Before the independence in 1960, Nigeria had and still having several political and human rights activists after the independence. From Betty Abah to Monday Owens Wiwa, achievements and failures of these activists have been documented. In Nigerian social movement and revolutionary history, Aba Women Riot of 1929 remains the most celebrated social movement against poor governance.

The riot was recently recognised by the United Nations as a remarkable led-women movement in the world and one of the movements that ensured the place of women in societies, where their fundamental human rights are being denied. Aba Women Riot of 1929 happened because the British colonial administration represented by Captain J. Cook, an assistant District Officer, wanted to tax women. This was perceived by the women as social and economic injustice.

According to several accounts, the riot led to the death of 51 women. Several years later, Ken Saro-Wiwa co-founded the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People, calling for the recognition of environmental and social rights of the Ogoni people in the southern part of Nigeria. Saro-Wiwa and his members fought the war with every resource they laid their hands on. Unfortunately, they did not win the war because they were executed by the regime of General Sanni Abacha in 1995.

Between 1990 and 1995, while Saro-Wiwa and his co-activists from the Ogoniland were fighting the military government of General Sanni Abacha, Omoyele Sowore was in the University of Lagos as a student. Information has it that as a student leader, Omoyele Sowore was part of the students who joined national social movement against the then military government.

Omoyele Sowore, appears to be another political and social activist, who believes in strong social movement and revolution as means of making socioeconomic and political structures effective in Nigeria [see his trajectory of calling for good governance and consequences in Forces and Actors in the Context of #Revolutionnow section].

From 1992 to 2020, activities of Sowore have been on why political elites and followers should ensure better systems and leadership structure for the country’s growth and development in all ramifications. His recent #RevolutionNow protest focuses on three core areas that political leaders must address to ensure political, social and economic justice.

In the first phase, which has 8 demands, #RevolutionNow Movement Group wants the current political leaders to return fuel prices and electricity tariffs to their levels in 1999, ensure the immediate payment of all outstanding salaries of workers and pensions of retirees and abolished tuition fees in all public universities and secondary schools among others. The second phase, which is dubbed end special privileges for the ruling class, has 4 demands. In the phase, the Group wants an end to training of public officials’ children in private schools in Nigeria or in schools in foreign countries. They also want an immediate end to the use of police or military personnel as private security guards for these officials.

From the 7 demands allotted to the third phase, which is dubbed as return political power and national wealth to the working people, Sowore and his members want complete and uncompensated repossession by the working people of all national resources stolen by the ruling class and abolition of the death penalty except for the embezzling or privatisation of the public wealth. The Group presented a total of 19 demands. Out of this, our analysis reveals that 26.31% would benefit the few Nigerians, while 73.68% would benefit many Nigerians [see Exhibit 1].

Exhibit 1: Demands and Categories of Beneficiaries

 

 

Source: Revolutionnow Group, 2020; The Nation, 2020; Infoprations Analysis, 2020
Key: First Phase=End anti-people economic policies, Second Phase=End special privileges for the ruling class, Third Phase=Return political power and national wealth to the working people

 

 

Source: Nigerian Newspapers, 2020; Infoprations Analysis, 2020

Source: Nigerian Newspapers, 2020; Infoprations Analysis, 2020

Our Data and Measures

Nigerian and foreign newspapers were the first source of our data. As the fourth estate of the realm, media are expected to play their social and development participant roles in the revolution protest. This is one of the reasons for considering them in our analysis. Another reason is that not every Nigerian will be at the locations [States where the Revolution protest took place are; Lagos, Osun, Ondo and Cross River] where the Revolution protest took place. A number of people would prefer reading and watching the protest through print and broadcast media across the country.

For years, news media have been criticised for framing social and political protest in negative ways, most especially through photojournalism. From social and public affairs analysts, the media portrayal can “shape the public’s understanding of the protest when they [protest] were framed as dramatic or violent in images. We measured this in our analysis. The three phases [end anti-people economic policies, end special privileges for the ruling class and return political power and national wealth to the working people] also formed our data source. Images published by the Nigerian newspapers and foreign ones such as the BBC, African News among others were specifically extracted and analysed.

The Measures and Categories

  1. VP: Violent protest
  2. PP: Peaceful protest
  3. PPC: Police prepared for conflict
  4. PMLO: Police maintaining law and order
  5. PAHP: Police attacking and harassing protesters
  6. PCPSP: Protesters carrying placards that showed socioeconomic problems
  7. PCPP: Protesters carrying placards that showed political problems
  8. PMC: Presence of the main conveners. This was specifically measured with the consideration of presence of Omoyele Sowore and other members of the Group, especially those with costume meant for the protest
  9. Enthusiasm: Protesters are being happy and ready for the protest. This was specifically measured through the examination of their jubilation and other elements that established eagerness to participate in the protest
  10. Fear: Protesters are fearing of security agencies, especially police, presence.
  11. Sadness: Protesters are not happy about how the police are handling the protest and also about the socioeconomic and political situations in the country. This was specifically measured using sorrow element exhibited by the protesters [showing on their faces].
  12. Anger: Protesters are furious about how the police and other security agencies are handling protesters. This was specifically measured using annoyance element exhibited by the protesters [showing on their faces].

From category a to h [see The Measures and Categories], our focus is to understand the dominant frames used by the journalists and their media establishments to construct the protest for public understanding. Using the frames are essential because of their potential of increasing online participation. By online participation, we expect people who are not in the protest’ locations to seek for information about the protest and use the information for online protest in form of posting and sharing messages associated with the protest. Enthusiasm, fear, anger and sadness are also used to explicate public understanding of the protest through virtual sphere.

For proper understanding of the virtual sphere, public searches about the protest became our last data source. We extracted Nigerians’ interest in the protest from Google Trends [and used as proxy data] from August 5, 2020 to August 31, 2020. The interest ranged from 0-100. After several weeks of tracking and mining images from the newspapers, we found 81 images. We used these images only because other images were republished several times by the media to depict the protest. From the first category to the last category [see The Measures and Categories], we used presence and absence as keys to represent what we aimed at knowing from each image. However, we coded violent and peaceful protest distinctively. The uniqueness in coding the two categories lie with the fact that we need to see whether the Group became violent while protesting as against what they told the public [peaceful Revolutionnow protest].

Emerging Frames

Analysis shows that the media framed the protest as peaceful while the protesters were found to display placards that depict political problems more than socioeconomic problems. With the presentation of political issues more than socioeconomic challenges, our analyst notes that the media want the public to see the protest as against political elites or actors more than what socioeconomic actors [especially the business owners who are also expected to make significant changes to issues affecting people at the bottom of the pyramid]. Only 2.50% of the 81 images showed that the protesters were violent. Analysis also establishes that the media did not want the public to see Omoyele Sowore as the main actor of the Group during the protest. This position was arrived at by our analyst because 69.10% of the images did not have Sowore as part of the protesters. With this, the media has made the public realised that Sowore should not be considered as the only person who can lead revolution protest in Nigeria.

It is disheartening to know that the media presented police less within the PPC and PMLO frames [see The Measures and Categories]. Instead, they were presented as attacking and harassing the protesters. This representation re-emphasises the year-long police brutality during popular protest in Nigeria. Our analysis also points out that the media represented the protesters as being eager and ready to carry out the protest and sad about the socioeconomic and political situations in the country. We also found that they were annoyed about how the police attacked and harassed them during the protest [see Exhibit 3].

Exhibit 2: Emerging Frames

Source: Nigerian and Foreign Newspapers, 2020; Infoprations Analysis, 2020
Key: VP = Violent protest PP=Peaceful protest PPC=Police prepared for conflict PMLO=Police maintaining law and order PAHP=Police attacking and harassing protesters PCPSP=Protesters carrying placards that showed socioeconomic problems PCPP=Protesters carrying placards that showed political problems PMC= Presence of the main conveners

Exhibit 3: Constructed Mood

Source: Nigerian and Foreign Newspapers, 2020; Infoprations Analysis, 2020

To further understand the emerging frames, our analyst explored the place of constructed moods in the frames. From 71 images that established the protest as peaceful, 91.1% show that protesters were eager to carry out the protest and happy. Over 78% and 80% of these images indicate that protesters were sad and annoyed. The sadness and annoyance manifested in 100% and 85.7% of 7 images that established police as attacking and harassing the protesters.

One of the surprising insights from our analysis is that in 6 images that established police as preparing for conflict, protesters in the images were ready to carry out the protest and happy as well whereas the readiness and happiness was 77.8% when we examined 9 images, portraying police as maintaining law and order.

Examination of the main issues of the protest shows that from 53 images that showed protesters as carrying placards which established political problems in the country, the protesters’ readiness and happiness was framed in 94.5%. This is not quite different for socioeconomic problems [53 images]. Over 92% of the images showed readiness and happiness of the protesters. With 81.8% out of 55 images, protesters were portrayed as being sad when they carried placards that presented political problems more than socioeconomic problems [81.1% of 53 images had sadness mood].

What happened when the protesters were sad and annoyed about issues in their three phases? How did police react to the protesters’ moods? Our analyst explores these questions and found surprising insights. When protesters were angry, police were 0.27 times attacking them. When they were sad about the socioeconomic and political problems, there was no attack from the police. When police prepared for conflict, protesters were 0.57 times fearing them. When protesters carrying placards that showed socioeconomic and political problems, they were more than 7 times happy about the protest. When the main conveners were present, protesters were 3 times happier about the protest.

Pictures and Protest: Understanding Emerging Frames Through Public Information Seeking about Revolution

As the protest was carrying out in the physical sphere, as we noted earlier, we expect public interest through the Internet to surge about the protest, socioeconomic and political issues the Group wants the political leaders to address. In our analysis, we found that the public had significant interest in President Muhammadu Buhari, revolution and protest than in Omoyele Sowore [see our earlier selected period].

While the interest in Sowore and revolution indicated strong connection, we did not find such for President Buhari and revolution. This signifies that the public preferred understanding revolution through Sowore than the President. This is understandable considering the fact that Sowore is the main actor and expected to be in public minds as the protest was being staged across the country. This insight is not quite different from what we found when we analysed public interest in the actors [President Buhari and Omoyele Sowore] along with the interest in protest. Analysis shows that one percent interest in President Buhari reduced interest in protest by 23.3%. It was 17.4% increase in protest when the public sought information about Sowore.

In our analysis, we also discovered that the media framing of the protest as peaceful facilitated public interest in Sowore and President Buhari by 65.3%. When protesters were framed as carrying placards that showed political problems, the interest was 74.7% in the two actors. The interest was 74.1% when socioeconomic problems frame was used by the media. When pictures showed that protesters were sad about socioeconomic and political problems, public interest in protest was 1.5%. When pictures showed that protesters were angry about socioeconomic and political problems, public interest in protest was 8.1%. When pictures showed that protesters were angry about socioeconomic and political problems, public interest in the revolution was 0.0%. When pictures showed that protesters were sad about socioeconomic and political problems, public interest the in revolution was 0.0%. When pictures showed that protesters were ready to carry out the protest and happy about it, public interest in protest was 0.1%. When pictures showed that protesters were ready to carry out the protest and happy about it, public interest in revolution was 3.2%.

Strategic Option: A New Playbook for Revolution Protests

When we situated the entire analyses and insights in the context of the view of many public affairs analysts and veteran journalists, we concluded that the profound truth is that a number of Nigerians are not ready for revolution protests, especially carrying them out through virtual sphere.

In the words of Fisayo Soyomo, an award-winning Nigerian journalist, “Nigeria’s problems are extreme; therefore, solving them requires extreme measures, including revolutionary protest. While street protests are important, I personally believe the biggest revolution needed in Nigeria is the revolution of self — the revolution of values, intellect and the mind. Our problem is more than Muhammadu Buhari; it is that warped sense of values that drives many of us to place self over the country.”

Therefore, stakeholders in social and revolutionary movement need to renew their playbook. As a matter of fact, media community needs to do more in terms of representing the views of genuine social and political activists. The police need to reevaluate their responses to social and political protests. In this regard, members of the security agency must be trained on better approaches for handling angry protesters.  Citizens, who are not involved in physical protests but are online, also need to show level of commitment to genuine protests that have the tendency of changing socioeconomic and political status of the country.

A Call to Privatise Waste Management in Enugu State

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While I was in Ibadan, waste collectors came to our compounds to pick up our refuse. Then, what we used to do was that every compound had a barrel at its front, where the occupants threw in their wastes. These collectors come every Tuesdays and Thursdays, or Mondays and Fridays, depending on their schedules, to empty these barrels (whether filled or not). They come in their big trucks, lift up these barrels (they preferred plastics) and pour their contents into the trucks. In those days, you don’t see dirt lying about in Bodija because these waste collectors were good at their jobs. They even come with brooms to gather refuse in case some drop on the floor.

But then, I think why there was this kind of arrangement was because these waste collectors were from private companies. I can’t really say but I think Oyo State Government gave licence to private individuals to collect and dispose of wastes. So all we had to do was “subscribe” to one of these companies and have our wastes removed right from the front of our house.

When I left Ibadan for Koroduma, one of the towns in Nasarawa State that shares a border with FCT, I didn’t see private waste collectors with big trucks. Then, people have two, or rather three, options for refuse disposal. It is either they take their wastes to the “government” dumpsites, which originally contained government’s dumpsters, or they throw them into the river or gutters when rain falls. But the option that was most convenient for us then was that of engaging the services of small private waste collectors, known as “Mai Shara”. They come in their wheelbarrows and collect waste directly from people’s door steps. They don’t do theirs compound by compound and you don’t subscribe to them. If you have refuse, keep them somewhere rats will not access them and then wait for Mai Shara to pass. This wasn’t the best option but it was convenient.

Then coming down to Enugu, I saw something entirely different. Permit me to express my disappointment at not seeing well established private waste collectors here. You may also be surprised to hear that people look at me as if I’ve developed horns anytime I tell them that the Enugu State Government should give out licence to private individuals to oversee the collection and disposal of wastes from households and business arenas. People are comfortable with the way things are, which should not be like that at all.

Let me give you a little glimpse into the situation of things in Enugu.

Here in Enugu, a government agency known as ESWAMA, which is an acronym for Enugu State Waste Management Agency, takes care of waste disposal (and not collection). What this agency does is that it mounts few dumpsters for waste collection and then empties them when they are filled. I can’t tell how often they do this but they try anyway. However, these dumpsites, even the ones in front of people’s compounds, are gagging sites. You can’t pass them without holding your breath. This wouldn’t have been the case if the Oyo State method was adopted.

People that live in Enugu may feel comfortable with how things are with their waste disposal method because they have not tasted the convenience of not loading their cars with decayed matters in their bid to locate a dumpster. People here may not really believe that it is possible that they can have dustbins in front of their compound and the place will not be turned into dumpsites later (this was an argument someone gave me). Some people even said it was impossible that people can conveniently have their trash cans emptied by private contractors. Well, I don’t really blame them; I blame the government that left its regulatory job and decided to source for income.

Well, it is not too late to make changes. All Enugu State Government, and other state governments that maintain this practice, have to partner with private individuals to get this job done. This will even generate more income for the government, which is better than the way ESWAMA uses task forces to collect revenue. If this job is given to private individuals, they will only remove the wastes of their subscribers. Those that didn’t pay will have to find ways of handling their wastes. Of course, it is not possible for people to throw their refuse into another person’s dustbin because the person that is paying will guard his property very well.

This essay is just a call for the privatisation of waste collection, not just in Enugu, but in every part of the country.

US Lawmakers Initiate Bill to Address Chinese President As “General Secretary”

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The United States congress is pushing a bill that will strip Chinese president Xi Jingping of the title ‘president.’ The bill called “Name the Enemy Act,” is expected to, when passed, prohibit the federal government from using the title ‘president’ to address Xi Jingping. The bill said Xi will alternatively be referred to as “General Secretary.”

“The Federal Government may not obligate or expend any funds for the creation and dissemination of United States Government documents and communications that refer to the head of state of the People’s Republic of China as anything other than “General Secretary of the Communist Party”, or alternatively, as “General Secretary.””

The bill was introduced by Republican Rep. Scott Perry of Pennsylvania on August 7, as a way of showing the US’ disapproval of China’s human rights violations including the abuse of Uighurs and Kazaks.

“The leadership of the People’s Republic of China has gone unchallenged in its perverse pursuits of human rights abuses across decades. Addressing the head of state of the People’s Republic of China as a ‘president’ grants the incorrect assumption that the people of the state, via democratic means, have readily legitimized the leader who rules them,” the bill reads.

The bill mentioned the use of Chinese armed forces to constantly infringe upon the sovereignty of surrounding countries, citing the April 2020 incident, where the Chinese maritime surveillance sank a Vietnamese fishing boat off the paracel Islands.

However, the move appears unlikely to take anything from Xi, who has acquired titles for himself since he came into power in 2012, though it bears authoritarian remarks.

The title ‘president’ has a democratic bearing that the Chinese government has failed to manifest, and the morality in referring to Xi, who has been at the top of authoritarian rule for years, as president has been called into question. Critics argue that addressing Xi as president allows him to project an image of openness and representative leadership to the international community which stands in stark opposition to who he truly is.

“China is not a democracy, and its citizens have no right to vote, assemble, or speak freely. Giving General Secretary Xi the unearned title of ‘president’ lends a veneer of democratic legitimacy to the CCP and Xi’s authoritarian rule,” said the US-China Economic and Security Review Commission, in a 2019 report to Congress.

But in China, Xi’s titles do not include the word ‘President’ while past Chinese leaders bore the official English title since 1980 when the South Asian country began opening up its economy, the head of the Chinese Communist Party has been differently addressed.

CNN did a history recap on the titles held by Xi in Chinese, and none represents exactly the English word ‘president.’ For instance, the three main titles Xi is known by are guojia zhuxi, meaning State Chairman; Zhongyang junwei zhuxi, commander-in-chief of the people’s Liberation Army (PLA); and zong shuji, the head of China’s ruling political party.

These titles are used to address Xi according to each occasion. But for English speakers and the state-run media, the title of number one man in China is president.

While the bill is going to make a strong statement about the United States’ view of Chinese authoritarian rule headed by Xi, addressing him as ‘General Secretary’ has a little weight to change the status quo.

Logistics Aggregation: A Cost-Effective Model For Moving Goods Across Africa’s Borders

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If you’re a small-scale importer in Africa, you may have wondered why after placing an order for a product from China, you wait weeks to receive it, even when flights come to Africa from China regularly. This is not to mention the steep cost of freighting goods by air from China, which has been on the rise recently.

Your importation agent has more to do with these costs and shipping times than you might realize.

The Cost Of Fragmented Logistics

Many of the freight agents used by small-scale importers and retail consumers have small client bases. This means those agents have to wait to accumulate the required volume of orders needed to negotiate a reasonable price with airline operators or flight carriers. Even when they do get the required volume, they are often at the mercy of the flight carriers and might not get the best deal both in the speed of delivery and the price. In turn, the buyer must pay more and wait longer to receive their products.

This might just seem like a problem for the buyer until you take a holistic view of what the absence of a defined logistics system could be costing Africa, and particularly Nigeria, where my digital freight platform and logistics aggregation company is based. Besides importation, there are locally made products that could be in hot demand outside Nigeria but never get there because the hassles of freighting goods outside the country are even higher than those of bringing them in. There also is the possibility of global e-commerce brands doing more business in Africa, but the absence of a defined logistics system frustrates the process. For instance, long wait times and sometimes poor service delivery currently discourage Nigerians from using global retailers.

The Aggregation Model

This is where logistics aggregators come in. These providers allow agents and small-scale importers to simply plug in and play. How does this help the situation? Generally, large aggregators are internationally accredited and have offices in major business cities. Being accredited is the first step to getting better deals with carriers and airlines.

An aggregator, which has the capacity to make complete payment to carriers upfront, is then able to decide the timing of shipments. This cuts shipping time because the aggregator could choose to have the products shipped weekly, while local delivery businesses are left to take the goods to customers’ doorsteps.

Although this model is not yet common in this part of the world, it has the potential to significantly improve logistics for Africa. Aggregator companies could further unify charges and fees for all. A unified system would not only help retailers import with speed and at a lower cost, but they could also get credit facilities from aggregators.

Airlines and carriers could bypass negotiating with unaccredited agents who cannot meet them on their terms and instead carry out such negotiations with the larger aggregators. Small-scale importers could simply attach themselves to the system already in place. Even big brands could have increased penetration into Africa, and customers would be more encouraged to buy with the knowledge they would not have to wait as long or pay more for logistics than the products cost.

This model works both ways and could also encourage exportation out of the country at guaranteed speed and safety, in a cost-effective manner.

What To Look For When Choosing An Aggregator

The aggregator model is still emerging, so it can be difficult to find an aggregator to suit your needs. But generally, there are several key things to look for when choosing an aggregator partner. First, because the aggregation model is complicated, you want to be sure the company you choose has the technological capacity required to effectively execute the aggregation. Research the technology it uses to see how efficient its process is. You also want to find out whether it has the proper insurance, safety regulations and financial framework in place to ensure goods smoothly get to where they need to go.

Although this model is in its early stages on the continent, aggregation shows strong potential for improving and unifying logistics for Africa’s importers and exporters. By cutting down on delivery time and price, consumers and businesses both stand to benefit.

Samuel Ajiboyede
CEO, Zido Logistics

Stemming the Impunity of Security Agencies on Civilians

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Through out history, it has been the inaction of those who could have acted, the indifference of those who should have known better, the silence of the voice of justice when it mattered most, that has made it possible for evil to triumph.—Haile Selassie

The Latest Victim

This piece is dedicated to the memory of Collins Osagie and those before him, victims of military and police brutality on defenceless civilians. According to the Punch you paid the supreme price for having the audacity to mediate in a disagreement between a soldier and a trader.

Recollection

While reading this bad news, my mind raced back to my childhood days growing up in the barracks. I have witnessed not a few agonizing torture of civilians. A particular one stands out because my Dad had to intervene to prevent it from turning ugly.

It was a cold Sunday morning with the rain pouring throughout the night and ceasing at the break of dawn. As we stepped out for church behold, our next door neighbours, two of them in full military fatigue, were torturing a civilian. They first emptied the containers of water my Mom had collected from the rain on the poor victim, put him in the gutter, stamped and kicked him with their boots and whipped him with their belts that had metals. It was a terrible sight for my siblings and I.

My Dad ordered them to stop and demanded to know his offence. They said he was their friend that stole their properties when they were in Kaduna. They had looked for him for two years until they got an Intel that he was in town.. They mobilized and picked him up before the cock crow. As their superior, my Dad said the torture was enough they should let him go. So imagine, if soldiers could treat a friend in such a manner, then your bet is as good as mine: we are all “bloody civilians!”

The Purpose of the Military

The role of the armed forces, that’s, the Army, Navy, and Airforce, as contained in the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as amended, Section 217-220 does not include the abuse of the rights of the citizens. Such abuse isn’t exclusive to the military but all uniformed security institutions in the country. This impunity must be stemmed completely.

The Need for the Reorientation of the Rank and File

The abuse of power is a clear misconception of its purpose. In the military hierarchy, we have the officer corps and the other ranks, the former are more professional and refined than the latter. It’s the rank and file we see on the street everyday and are susceptible to abuse by civilians, this is so because the officer corps is prohibited from using public transportation. The civil populace have highly esteemed the military compared to the Nigeria Police Force. The atrocities of the police against the citizens have made them public enemy number one. However, it’s worrisome that the Nigerian military, judged to be the most disciplined and professional institution in the country should allow its good reputation to be dragged in the mud by its rank and file. This group of soldiers need the refinement that is exclusive for the officers.

Conclusion

As the nation grapples with insurgency and security in the entire north of the country with resources stretched to its limits in the face of the Covid-19 pandemic, the appeal by the military authority for the citizens to help it with Intel will only fall on deaf ears if a more serious approach is not taken to end the abuse of our fundamental human rights and build a cordial relationship with us. I do not insinuate that the military authority is doing nothing about this. I am aware of the existence of the Civil Military Relations Department of the Nigerian Army, more need to be done for the entire armed forces.

“He who’s slow to anger is better than a warrior, and he who controls his temper is greater than one who’s captures a city. —Proverbs 16:32

The superior training a soldier gets should make him conform to the quote above.